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  • Introduction to pandemic influenza through history

    European Journal of Epidemiology 10:451-453, 1994.
    ? 1994 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands.


    Introduction to pandemic influenza through history

    Youri Ghendon

    World Health Organization, Geneva, Switzerland


    Abstract. For the past 400 years, epidemics resem-
    bling influenza have been recorded in many coun-
    tries. Epidemics from as early as the 16th Century

    Key words: Control, Influenza, Pandemic

    The influenza pandemic of 1918 was the largest in
    recent history, causing 20 million deaths worldwide.
    In more modern times since 1957 and 1968 influenza
    pandemic also killed a million people.

    While the relationship between antigenic change
    and epidemic is complex, presumably involving
    multiple factors attributable to the host as well as to
    the viruses, antigenic drift or shift is the most readily
    identifiable marker of epidemic potential.

    Although influenza pandemics cannot be predicted
    with certainty the plans for pandemic situations can
    be developed and can play an important role in the
    prompt and appropriate response when they occur.

    In the year 412 BC Hippocrates described an
    epidemic that modern doctors believe was influenza,
    and history has recorded many influenza epidemics
    and pandemics since that time.

    In the Middle Ages several widespread outbreaks
    that were probably influenza occurred in Europe. But
    the first epidemics that can be regarded with confi-
    dence as influenza were in 1173. However, the
    position of some medical historians that only
    epidemics which occurred in 1510 can be considered
    as unquestionable influenza epidemics [1]. In 1580
    a severe pandemic occurred that was possibly the first
    global dissemination of influenza. It started in Asia
    and spared to Africa, Europe and America. Almost
    all of Europe was afflicted in six weeks and it was
    said that only one twentieth of the people escaped the
    illness. The case description of influenza was done
    during this epidemic and is similar to influenza
    illness seen currently.

    In the eighteenth century there were 13 severe
    epidemics and in the nineteenth century there were
    12, and probably 8 or 9 of these 25 were influenza
    pandemics in the modern sense. In the twentieth
    century there have been several pandemics: 1918,
    1946, 1957, 1968 and 1977 due to emergence of new
    subtypes of influenza A virus.

    The influenza viruses are unique in that they are
    in England and the 18th Century in the USA are
    recognizable as influenza, even in the absences of
    precise knowledge of their causative agents.

    able to circumvent immunity by gradually under-
    going alteration of their two surface antigen -
    haemagglutinin and neuraminidase -by accommo-
    dation of a series of mutation (drift) and can also
    undergo a complete change in one or more of their
    surface antigens by genetic reassortment (shift). The
    shift variants of influenza virus are responsible for
    recent pandemics. It should be noted that the
    influenza viruses demonstrates only antigenic drift
    may also cause pandemics in the strictest epidemio-
    logical sense of the word. For example, worldwide
    epidemics occurred with the influenza A viruses of
    1972, 1974 and 1975.

    According to the dictionary definition, a pandemic
    is simply a widespread epidemic, but when referring
    to influenza a pandemic now signifies a worldwide
    epidemic caused by a new subtype of influenza A
    virus. Therefore only during the virological era can
    we recognize a pandemic with certainty. However, in
    the absence of virus identification, we can make an
    informed guess that if the epidemic originated in one
    place and from there spread worldwide with high
    morbidity, it was probably a pandemic. Also epi-
    demics occurring during the warmer months of the
    year are a practically sure sign that they were pan-
    demics; theses occurred in 1580, 1781, 1831 and
    1918.

    The greatest pandemic of the twentieth century
    was the pandemic of 1918, popularly known as
    Spanish flue owing to its high incidence in Spain,
    which is believed to have been caused by the 'swine'
    variant HlswN1 subtype of influenza virus.

    The first wave of the pandemic of 19t8 swept
    across North America in March and April 1918. The
    infection moved on to Europe, when it first reached
    epidemic levels in France in April 1918. Over the
    next several months, influenza spread throughout the
    whole of Europe. In the United States of America the
    I918 influenza pandemic killed 550,000 people -
    0.5% of the population, about ten times more the
    number of Americans who died in the war [1, 2]. In
    Europe the influenza in England and Wales alone
    killed 200,000 people. In a few places such as Samoa
    and Alaska some 25% or more died. Throughout the
    world influenza pandemic 1918 killed 20 to 40
    million people, and made one-quarter to one-half of
    the population sick. The 1918 influenza pandemic
    killed more people in less time than any other disease
    before or since.

    In a vain effort to halt the spread of influenza
    during 1918 pandemic in the USA, in some cities
    officials closed dance halls, theatres, schools and
    even churches. There were placards on street cars and
    railroad stations asking people not to spit and all
    police wore masks. Police in Chicago were asked to
    arrest people who sneezed in the streets [2].

    Since the 1918 pandemic, there have been two
    major global outbreaks of influenza A in the twen-
    tieth century: In 1957, influenza was induced by
    namely 'Asian' influenza virus A/H2N2, and in 1967,
    influenza was induced by namely 'Hong Kong'
    influenza virus - A/H3N2 - and two mild pandemics
    in 1946 and in 1977, induced by H1N1.

    In 1946 there was a worldwide epidemic that was
    regarded as pandemic due to a new influenza virus
    subtype -H1N1. It was a mild pandemic and the
    excess of mortality was low. Influenza pandemic
    1957 was not so bloodthirsty as in 1918, neverthe-
    less in the USA alone 40,000 deaths were attributed
    to the 'Asian' influenza and the mortality was much
    the same in most countries. During the Hong Kong
    pandemic 1967 the mortality in the USA alone was
    estimated at around 30,000 deaths, 51 million
    Americans were ill and the total economic burden
    was 3.9 billion [3]. In Europe the mortality was
    estimated at 30,000 deaths in Britain alone [4].

    The next notable event in the history of influenza
    was the reemergence in 1977 of the H1N1 influenza
    virus that had been prevalent from 1947 to 1957. It
    arose in China and spread world-wide but affected
    mostly people born after 1957. From 1977 to the
    present day it has continued to circulate along with
    H3N2 and B influenza viruses.

    The minimal requirement for the generation of a
    pandemic seems to be the major change in external
    antigens. The severity of the 1957 pandemic when
    two external antigens changed, compared to the less
    dramatic pandemic in 1946 and 1967 when only
    haemagglutinin changed my reflect this fact.

    What can we really do to control influenza pan-
    demic? The main problem is that the real causative
    virus of pandemic influenza cannot be completely
    determined until at least the first phase of the
    pandemic is underway. If influenza surveillance is
    improved, especially in the areas in which most of
    the pandemic influenza viruses arise, the potential
    pandemic shift variants of influenza virus can be
    detected early. Nevertheless the period of time
    available for vaccine production from the potential

    pandemic strain of influenza virus will always be
    limited.

    There is one example of an attempt to control
    pandemic influenza: In the USA in 1976 the cases
    of so-called swine influenza took place and a decision
    was made to control the potential influenza pandemic
    by mass vaccination. The sequence of events that
    constituted the response on this outbreak began with
    the initial recognition of the new virus and culmi-
    nated in the production and use of a vaccine. But the
    time from the isolation of the influenza virus and the
    beginning of the Nationa Influenza Immunization
    Programme took approximately one year [5]. If it is
    influenza virus which really can induce pandemic
    influenza, at the beginning of a vaccination period,
    which is one year after the isolation of the virus,
    all people susceptible to this virus can develop
    influenza.

    In the book Patterson [6], the author concluded:
    'Pandemics have secured with a frequency of three
    per 100 years since 1700. There is no periodicity to
    the occurrence of pandemics and no basis for pre-
    dicting where a new outbreak may arise'. Since 1889
    pandemics of influenza have occurred at intervals of
    28/29 and 10-11 years and in fact several supposi-
    tions on the possibility to predict the influenza
    pandemic on the basis of cyclical recurrence of the
    pandemic strains or solar activity, or other factors,
    are in fact only speculative. It is to be noted that the
    accounts of a Florentine family in the fourteen/fifteen
    centuries used the world 'influence' to suggest an
    unusual conjunction of planets at times of epidemics
    of coughs, colds and fevers. The word 'influenza'
    was thus derived as a description name for the
    epidemics due to 'influences'. In the twentieth
    century Hope-Simpson published an article [7] in
    which he suggests that antigenic shifts of influenza
    A virus and accordingly pandemic coincided with
    sunspot, and showed some examples of this from
    1930 to 1970. But in 1979 sunspots activity took
    place but there was no pandemic. So we should be
    prepared for unforeseen influenza pandemic in any
    given year.

    In the Middle Ages the Germans thought influenza
    was caused by eating too many sour applies and salt
    fish. Now we know much more about the agent
    induced influenza, but our knowledge on how to take
    control of pandemic influenza is practically at the
    same level as in the Middle Ages.





    During the International Conference for the control
    of influenza in 1992, at Courcheval, attempts were
    made to work out several recommendations on pan-
    demic planning [8]: Examples of these are as follows:

    1. The enhanced surveillance of influence, espe-
    cially in Southern China where most of the
    pandemic strains of influenza virus originated, in
    order to detect the emergence of the pandemic
    strain and isolate the pandemic strain of influenza
    virus as soon as possible.

    2. The vaccine improvements are essential for
    optimal pandemic control, especially for the
    production of influenza vaccine in a short period
    of time. The possibility to use new substrate for
    vaccine production of new types of influenza
    vaccine for vaccination needs investigation.
    3. The antivirals can play a major role in the early
    phases of a pandemic. Alternative agents to
    amantadine/rimantadine which have different
    mechanisms of antirival activity needs to be
    developed.
    4. The national, regional and global plans on the
    control of pandemic influenza should be worked
    out.
    5. Public and mass-media need to be involved in the
    control of pandemic at all stages.


    References

    1. Beveridge W. The chronicle of influenza pandemics.
    Hist Phil Life Sci 1991; 13: 223-235.
    2. Crosley A. The influenza pandemic of 1918. In:
    Osborn J, ed. Influenza in America 1918-1976. New
    York, 1977.
    3. Kavet J. Influenza and Public Health. Harvard School
    of Public Health, 1972.
    4. Cockburn W. Influenza in man and animal. WHO
    Publ, 1973.
    5. Plan for pandemic influenza. Interagency Work Group
    on Influenza. HEW, PHS, CDC. 8 May 1978.
    6. Patterson K. Pandemic influenza 1700-1990: A study
    in historical epidemiology. New Jersey: Rowman &
    Littlefield, 1986.
    7. Hope-Simpson R. Sunspots and flu: A correlation.
    Nature 1978; 275: 86.
    8. Tamblyn S, Hinman A. Pandemic planning: Conclu-
    ion and recommendations. In: Hannoun C, et al., eds.
    Options for the control of influenza II. Amsterdam:
    Elsevier, 1993: 457-459.
    Address for correspondence: Dr Y. Chendon, World
    Health Organization, 20 Avenue Appia, CH-1211 Geneva
    27, Switzerland
    Phone: +41 22 791 2656; Fax: +41 22 788 2937

    Attached Files

  • #2
    Re: Introduction to pandemic influenza through history

    Merci Mingus.

    Comment


    • #3
      Re: Introduction to pandemic influenza through history

      yes, interesting.

      Remarcable:

      the 1580 panflu had a CAR of 95% !

      apparantly no pandemics before 1510, only epidemics.
      Maybe because America was not known and they didn't
      know whether people over there got it too.
      But flu-outbreaks spreading through Europe,Africa,Asia
      simultaneously should have qualified as pandemic -
      yet they are not reported.
      Worldwide travel by ship increased a lot in the 15th century,
      this could be the cause that flu achieved the ability
      to cause pandemics.

      OTOH, we had plaque-pandemics before .
      But they took years to spread from China to Europe.
      Flu has the problem with seasonality, that might limit
      the spread over years.
      Interestingly flu-outbreaks in summer were almost always
      pandemics : 1580,1781,1831,1918

      The 1918-pandemic was not caused by a swine-subtype to nowadays
      knowledge.

      They assign the Hongkong pandemic to 1967, while it was 1968.
      They mention $3.9billion economical loss, which would be $51 billion
      when we take GDP-growth into account.

      They say the 1977 H1N1 did spread worldwide, while I saw others saying
      that it only spread in China and USSR.

      Well, apparantly it finally did spread worldwide in 1978 until today,
      but more in a "seasonal" not pandemic way.
      Last edited by gsgs; June 7, 2007, 03:57 AM. Reason: 1977 clarification
      I'm interested in expert panflu damage estimates
      my current links: http://bit.ly/hFI7H ILI-charts: http://bit.ly/CcRgT

      Comment


      • #4
        Re: Introduction to pandemic influenza through history

        [1580] Almost all of Europe was afflicted in six weeks

        that must be a mistake, they probably mean 6 months ?




        I want estimates, how many deaths were in the severe 1580 (summer-)pandemic.
        Does it even compare to 1918 ?

        Potter gives referrences:

        Pyle,G.F.(1986) , The Diffusion of Influenza: Patterns and Paradigms.
        New Jersey: Rowan & Littlefield.
        Beveridge,W.I.B.(1991)The chronicle of influenza epidemics.
        Historical and Philosophic Life Sciences 13,223-235

        But I can't easily look this up.


        found this:



        > The first well-documented pandemic occurred in 1580,
        > originating in South Asia. From there, in less than 10 months,
        > influenza spread to Africa, Europe, and even the Americas,
        > becoming the first truly worldwide pandemic.
        >
        >> Mortality estimates were staggering, and several
        >> European cities experienced huge losses in their citizenry.
        >
        > Within months, despite the comparatively slow pace of human
        > travel in the sixteenth century, influenza spread to all parts
        > of the world.

        Sarubbi, Felix A. et al. Influenza: A Historical
        Perspective Southern Medical Journal. 96 (August 2003)



        referring to Potter, JApplMicrobiol 2001;91:572-579

        --------------------


        summer 1580, presumed influenza epidemic outbreak in Malta, spread from Asia minor(Turkey)
        to Sicily,Malta and North Africa; by August spread to mainland Italy and southern France;
        left a high death toll in its wake especially in the very young and the elderly.

        G.C.Koln: The Wordsworth Encyclopedia of plague and pestilence. NY,1995,p.158

        --------------------------

        Responding to pandemics is a true race against time. They tend to cover the world within a year, or less. Even before the days of jet travel, the speed of a pandemic was something to be feared. The pandemic of 1580, which started in Asia, blanketed Europe within six months and spread to all continents in just over a year.

        Predictions are that a pandemic that originates in Asia will arrive in North America with two to three months. But in this day of frequent international air travel, it is quite possible that timeframe could be compressed to a matter of week, or even days. A pandemic is expected to affect major urban areas first, but quickly spread through the entire country.

        -------------------------------
        Last edited by gsgs; June 10, 2007, 07:28 AM.
        I'm interested in expert panflu damage estimates
        my current links: http://bit.ly/hFI7H ILI-charts: http://bit.ly/CcRgT

        Comment


        • #5
          Re: Introduction to pandemic influenza through history

          The conclusions of the 1992 Courcheval conference were remarkably accurate, nay prescient. 5 years before SARs & H5N1 and they say watch southern China, move away from egg based vaccine production, develop new antivirals, get your plans sorted out in advance and use the media to get the message out. 15 years later one has to wonder what could have been achieved if these recommendations had been vigorously pursued.

          Comment


          • #6
            Re: Introduction to pandemic influenza through history

            Ram?n Cama?o Puig, Mariano Barriendos Vallv? y Francisco Faus Gaband?: El Gran Catharro de 1580 ?gripe o pertussis?
            Summary
            The gran Catharro (1580) is considered the first influenza epidemic. The analysis of various testimonies of the time may offer some doubts about whether or not it was so; and data strongly support that it was a pertussis epidemic.
            I'm interested in expert panflu damage estimates
            my current links: http://bit.ly/hFI7H ILI-charts: http://bit.ly/CcRgT

            Comment


            • #7
              Re: Introduction to pandemic influenza through history

              English:
              This is the HTML version of the cases out http://asclepio.revistas.csic.es/ind...viewFile/57/59. G or or g l and automatically generates HTML versions of documents ace we crawl the Web. To Link to or bookmark this page, uses the following URL: http://www.google.com/search?q=cache...gl=de&ie=UTF-8

              Google is to neither affiliated with the authors of this page nor for responsible its content. These search terms have been highlighted: mariano barriendos 1580

              Page 1 Asclepio-Vol. LVII-2-2005 the 45 GREAT CATHARRO OF 1580 INFLUENZA Or PERTUSSIS?*Ramón Camaño Puig University of Valencia Mariano Barriendos Vallvé University of Barcelona Francisco Faus Gabandé University of Valencia

              SUMMARY the Great Catharro (1580) is considered like the first epidemic of influenza. The joint analysis of the data contained in different testimonies, provokes doubts with respect to that it was an influenza epidemic and support the possibility that was one of ferina cough. KEY WORDS: Great Catharro of 1580, influenza, ferina cough. SUMMARY The great Catharro (1580) is considered the first influenza epidemic. The analysis of various you attest of the Time may to offer some doubts about to whether or not it was under; and dates strongly support that it was to pertussis epidemic.

              KEY WORDS: Great Catharro (1580), influenza, pertussis epidemic.

              INTRODUCCIÓNLa vaccine use against the Bordetella Pertussis, producing bacterium of the ferina cough, has produced in the last decades a spectacular reduction of its morbidity and mortality, fundamentally in the industrialized countries. The ferina cough happens in history to be a very contagious infantile disease, * the authors wish to thank for to the Prof. Josep Lluis Barona Vilar the reading and commentaries made to this article.

              Page 2 RAMON CAMAÑO PUIG, MARIANO BARRIENDOS VALLVÉ And FRANCISCO FAUS GABANDÉ Asclepio-Vol. LVII-2-2005 46 in which practically the 100% of the receptive children of a same center they contract badly, after having been in contact with the subject infeccioso1. And in fact most of infections they are seen in smaller children of a year. The ferina cough has its causal agent in the Bordetella Pertussis, bacterium that the disease in humans produces and for which does not know no other reservorio environmental animal or.

              Their incidence, morbidity and mortality were reduced drastically after the introduction of the vaccine in 1949. But the ferina cough continues being anywhere in the world endemic and can affect every year to than 60 million people, being able more to kill around 360,000 children of who more than two thirds they are lactantes2. The first carried out tests of a vaccine took place in the Feroe islands, during years 1923 and 1924, coming itself to later make other tests on several vaccines in the United States and England. In the beginning of the vaccination in the USA, in 1948, and its generalization as of 1953, the vaccine contained inactivated whole bacteria; it was come to his later introduction in a great number of industrialized countries.

              All this could be made thanks to the carried out works in 1906 for Bordet and Gen-gou3, by means of which it was come to isolate the bacterium Bordetella Pertussis. Later the works of Eldering and Kendrickâislaron the Bordetella Paraper-tussis, person in charge of 5% of cases of ferina cough.

              In the last years, we are attending an increase of the cases in children and adults, aspect that can be attributed to the diminution of the immunity, that happens with the passage of time, diminution that even takes place in the people vacunadas5. Our preoccupation by the climatology - and its possible impact in the appearance and disappearance of infectious diseases took to us to concentrate our attention in a specific situation as it were the Great Catharro of 1580.

              The data that were appearing, and their comparative analysis, induced to us to think that the identification of this process like an influenza, was not so clear. In this sense, the analysis of aspects related to the sintoma-tología described in diverse texts, of aspects related to climatolo 1ETIEMBLE, J., to dir. (1999), Vaccinations: actualités ET perspectives, Paris, INSERM Expertise Collective, p. 349. ÈTIEMBLE (1999), p. 13. 3PLOTKIN S.A.; and ORENSTEIN W.A. (1999), Vaccines, Filadelfia, W. B. Saunders, 3ª ed. ÊYQUEM, A.; ALOUF, J.; and CHIPPAUX, A. (1998), Manuel DES vaccinations ET d'immu-noprévention. Padua, Piccin Nuova Libraria. 5HE, Q.; VILJANEN, M. K.; and ARVILOMMI, H. (1998), "Whopping Cough Caused by Bordetella Pertussis and Bordetella Parapertussis in a Inmunized Population", Journal of Medical Ameri-dog Association, 280, 635-637.

              Page The 3 GREAT CATHARRO OF 1580 INFLUENZA Or PERTUSSIS? Asclepio-Vol. 47 LVII-2-2005 gía and questions related to the immunity, can be ilustrativos to analyze the possible evolution that can be produced in a future. The Great Catharro is recognized like the first epidemic of influenza of global dissemination by manifold autores6, although our search has not provided historical studies or specific diagnoses respect to the evolution of this epidemic of influenza.

              This epidemic began in Asia and of it happened there to Europe and America. Almost all Europe was affected in six weeks, and it says that only the twenty percent of the population saved of the enfermedad.Los criteria of definition of the infectious diseases during the period pre-laboratory of the medicine, previous to first half of century XIX, and the present ones of the contemporary medicine are very different. For that reason our analysis must of being understood maintaining the corresponding ones you safeguard and cautelas7, that must consider, at the time of speaking of a retrospective diagnosis, so and as Cunningham8reconoce, and has been gathered by Arrizabalaga9. Previously, the diagnoses only could be made from the symptoms and the clinical course, after the development of the laboratory the criteria have changed, which takes such to us and as Cunning-ham says to that we are incapable to affirm that, processes that have been defined at the moment are equal or similar to other previous ones, being greater the whichever difficulty greater is the conducted temporary jump.

              On the other hand Grmek10planteó, that the identification of diseases of the past in present noso-logical terms is feasible whenever it is had materialesapropiados sources and. In last instance, it is necessary to recognize as Arrizabalaga11 says, that this type of historical constructions faces the impossibility to reproduce the biological and ecological conditions, phenomenon that are inconce 6PYLE, G.
              (1986), The Difussion of Influenza: Patterns and Paradigms, New Jersey, Rowan and Littlefield; Beveridge, W.
              (1991), "The Chronicle of Influenza Epidemics", His-torical and Philosophic Life Sciences, 13, 223-235; Potter, C.
              (2001), "To History of Influ-enza", Journal of Applied Microbiology, 91, 572-579. 7CIPOLLA, C. M.
              (1993), Against a mortal and invisible enemy, Barcelona, Critic. 8CUNNINGHAM, A.
              (1991), "Transforming Plague: the Laboratory and the Identity of Infectious Disease ", Dinamys, XI, 73-117. 9ARRIZABALAGA, J.
              (1993), "the identification of the causes of death in Europe pre-industrialist: some historiográficas considerations ", Bulletin of the Association of Historical Demography, XI (3), 23-47. 10GRMEK, M. D. (1983), Them maladies à l'aube of civilisation occidentale. South Recher-Ches réalité pathologique dans cleans grec to him préhistorique, archaïque ET classique, Paris, Payot. 11ARRIZABALAGA
              (1993), p. 42. Page 4 RAMON CAMAÑO PUIG, MARIANO BARRIENDOS VALLVÉ And FRANCISCO FAUS GABANDÉ

              Asclepio-Vol. Bible LVII-2-2005 48 at the moment for technical and ethical reasons that they would be, in any case, the definitive test that it validated them or it refuted. With the study of cases, in history, we can obtain some ideas, of which it could take place in a situation of immunity deficit, by loss of her or diminution of this one before a prolonged absence of contact with the bacterium. Situation that if the guard lowers, could reproduce at some moment. Without being alarmist, in 1975 in the United States, they communicated something more than 1500 cases, and in 1998 one had gone to almost 8000, numbers that with complete certainty underestimate the true incidence of enfermedad12.

              In our country, from 1965, he exists a program of vaccination with difteria, tétanos and ferina cough, but in spite of being one of the countries with greater vacunal cover (superior to 95%), recently one has communicated within the framework of II the Congress of the Spanish Association of Vacunología (AEV), celebrated in the Palms of Great Canary, that in one of each four cases of ferina cough in smaller children of a year, the main source of the infection is an adult who lives with the baby, and even, have taken place epidemic buds, such as the happened one in the Province of Castellón in the year 2002

              13.Si is certain well that long time has passed since the events of the Great Catharro of 1580 took place, all these data can, in certain way, to provide information that allows us to face to us, of different way, to the multiple cases of cough that at some moment can be seen at the moment in the clinic. Cases with a evolution similar to a cold and that, in fact, could be that it was being a ferina cough.

              Couzigou and Flahault14plantean that, even between doctors with a particular commitment with the subjects of public health, the ferina cough clearly is not considered like cause of persistent cough in adults; the possibility of this diagnosis would only be worth in the cases where the symptoms are really severe.

              In this sense, it has been come to make the analysis of testimonies related to the Great Catharro that took place around 1580 and which it extended all over the south of Europe. To this aim different archives have been consulted, among them the historical ones of the City councils of Barce 12MURRAY, P. R.; ROSENTHAL, K. S.; KABAYASI, G. S., and PFALLER, M. A.
              (2002), medical Microbiology, Madrid, Mosby. 1ÉSCORIHUELA, R., and BARAJAS, M. V.
              (2002), "ferina Cough an emergent problem", Magazine of Public Health, 76, 267-270. 14COUZIGOU, C. and FLAHAULT, A.
              (2003), "Is Pertussis Being Considered ace to Causes of Persistent Cough among Adults", European Journal of Epidemiology, 18, 1.013-1.015.

              Page The 5 GREAT CATHARRO OF 1580 INFLUENZA Or PERTUSSIS? Asclepio-Vol. 49 LVII-2-2005 canvas and Valencia and the one of the Provincial Delegation of Valencia, which contains the bottoms of the Valencian General Hospital. From the archives and of different independent publications testimonies of the time of the Great Catharro have been compiled; being made, next, I collate and analysis of the data contained in the different testimonies with those from the clinical syndrome of the ferina cough and the influenza, and from there, to come to where has been possible to a diagnosis differential. Although the Great Catharro of 1580 had been catalogued in some publications like influenza, are certain data that they induce to think that it was not so.

              The INFECCIÓNLa infection because of the Bordetella Pertussis begins with the inhalation of the bacterium in aerosol form, and the adhesion of this one to the epithelial cells ciliadas of tracto respiratory and its later growth. Passed between seven and ten days of incubation, three stages follow one another; the first or catarrhal one, with sintomatología that so and as its name indicates, is similar to a common cold, with serosa rinorrea, estornudos, general malaise, anorexy and febrícula, being the this moment of greater level in the proliferation of the bacterium and therefore of maximum possibilities of transmission. After one or two weeks, it appears the paroxística phase or periods of repeated cough followed of a respiratory estridor, in which the ciliadas cells are expelled from the respiratory tree and being increased the snot production, which, he is partly responsible to produce the obstruction of the aerial flow. The paroxística phase ends generally vomits and state of exhaustion. After two to four weeks the disease enters the third and last stage or of convalecencia15. ANTIGUASEntre

              REFERENCES the different references that we have been able to analyze, related to the Great Catharro of 1580, we found a testimony trustworthy and independent respect to the municipal authorities of the moment, in the city of Barcelona, father Pere Gil, which, although contemporary of I infect, wrote up his 15MURRAY, ROSENTHAL, KABAYASIy PFALLER (2002). Page 6 RAMON CAMAÑO PUIG, MARIANO BARRIENDOS VALLVÉ And FRANCISCO FAUS GABANDÉ Asclepio-Vol. 50 LVII-2-2005 testimony in a book twenty years después16.

              The numerous contacts with jesuitas, including in their writing - in where it even relates the extension of the epidemic contributing data of America -, give reliability to the testimony: Any 1580 contengue aquell great catharro so to nomenar; that fou general in tot Mon; and resultà of infectio of ayre. Comença from parts Septentrionals, and poc to poc to per sos passos contats passà to per Italy, and to per the Islands [ Córcega, Sardinia and Baleares ], and to per França; and it enters the Agost to per Cathalunya, and corregue to per tota Spain, and passà fins to Western India.

              On the other hand Despalau17, had related that: To 4. of agost any 1580. Vingue a way of cold in Barcelona that do-naua febra and cough and algunes dolos that tota yent of barc. ne happens and sen moriren molt and vingue dit cold of the end of camp ol king of fransa. and the qual feu great damage molt ali to quaranta galeres that they aguardavan soldats of flandes quals avien to come to espaya and the war from Portugal: feu tambe grandisim dany to per-pinya and girona and almost to per tota catalluya. And it indicated some symptoms, but putting the emphasis in the damages, even the military, who could cause the epidemic.

              Another aspect to emphasize was the climatologic references that this author realizó18: 10 of setembre of 1580. entered of nit aparegue you see the tramuntana nuvol tot vermell ab algunes vies blanques.quese anaue disminuint and in sec qe au-mentaue and of three aquestos nuvolls sen veren sa matexa nit sols altros two to llevant laSu y altra enves mityorn: anse fets grans yudicis in Barcelona and yent to romanguer molt frightened. Climatologic references that were coincident with tremendously anomalous a climatic context: in those years, one began to produce a climatic oscillation with increase of the extreme, temporary, big episodes of rain snow-covered and waves of cold. It was the first hard manifestation, of which from half-full of century XIV it was happening in higher latitudes (Norway, Iceland, Greenland) and that we know like minifreezing (Lit 16IGLESIES, J. (1949), Pere Gil i seva Geografia de Catalunya, Barcelona, Bishopric of Barcelona. 17DESPALAU, F. (1580), Memories importants (Barcelona: Library of Catalunya, ms. 510), pp. 78-79. 18DESPALAU (1580).

              Page The 7 GREAT CATHARRO OF 1580 INFLUENZA Or PERTUSSIS? Asclepio-Vol. 51 LVII-2-2005 tle Ice Age or Kleine Eiszeit). Situation with different pulses and "pauses" that extended until half-full of century XIX19. Although this it is not the case that occupies to us, since, as servit can be appreciated in following comentario20fonc nostre senyor to per nostres you blame that of the senyora day of nostra of agost fins the day of St. Roch persones caygueren malalts in present Ciutat of Barcelona month of vint Milia (that supposed for the time 80/90 % of the population) malaltes of one constitució of ayre calent, the sense qual invadia to tots ningun dis-crim and cayent malalt hu in a house tots ne passaven. The epidemic began in a while of west airs, which makes suppose high temperatures. The data were registered following galénica the tradition, recognizing in the first place, and at possibly remote level, the divine intervention medieval and incorporating the concept of fault in their generation.

              In a second level or interval, the air was considered altered, and producer of a hostile reaction in ready bodies, since it carried an injurious agent or it had his altered qualities, and finally, at next level, so and as it is possible to be appreciated in the appointments that will appear to continuation, the corresponding humoral alteration that produces the sintomatología in afectados21. There is a certain discrepancy, between the mentioned authors, at the time of raising the beginning of the epidemic, being differences of practically up to two weeks between the first of Pere Gil and last one. Despalau22habla of which the epidemic began the 4 of August and the Manual of Novells Ardits assigns the beginning of the epidemic to the day of Our Lady, with which it is possible to be supposed that it is speaking of the 15 of August. These discrepancies are not strange, given the difficulties of the moment to make a suitable collection of data, and therefore, for the obtaining of a certain suitable level of exactitude.

              On the other hand, Pere Gil spoke to us of the passed epidemic having 19BARRIENDOS, M. (1997), "Climatic Variations in the Iberian During Peninsula the Late Maunder Minimum (AD 1675-1715): an Analysis of Data from Rogation Ceremonies ", The Holocene, 7 (1), 105-111. And BARRIENDOS (1999), "within the framework geographic the historical climatology of the old Hispanic monarchy", Scripta Nova. Electronic magazine of Geography Social Sciences, University of Barcelona, nº 53, 1 of December of 1999. Municipal Historical 20Archivo of Barcelona, Manual of Novells Ardits, vol. 5, 1562-1587, p. 248; 15 to 18 of August of 1580. 21NUTTON, V. (1990), "The Reception of Fracastorós ` Theory of Contagion': the Seed that Fell Among Thorns ", Osiris, 6, 196-234. 22DESPALAU (1580). Page 8 RAMON CAMAÑO PUIG, MARIANO BARRIENDOS VALLVÉ And FRANCISCO FAUS GABANDÉ Asclepio-Vol. LVII-2-2005 52 twenty years, which does, that is not strange their lack of coincidence. its testimony is not located in a suitable point medio23. In agreement per true relacio demolts entengue. In Cathaluña comença, close dels 10. /o/ 12. of Agost, and lasts near a month and mitg fins ultims of Setembre. I estava in Barcelona, and certificaren molts to me, that almost tots ossells of gabia of Barcelona moriren. Pardals neither ossells will fly tot aquell temps nor in-the ciutat nor enlo pla of Barcelona. Adverti that of thousands persones, as soon as ne campava one, that not tingues cold. With respect to the sintomatología referred by the different authors, it has been wanted to possibly put the first most recent one in the time, since in this one father Pere Gil comes to make a previous description and introductoria, without too much concretion, which had to the distance of his description with respect to the moment of suceso24: Donava a pain CAP cruelissim. Causava febre, and à alguns li durava febre a natural day: als of month two, and three: and à alguns fins à 8. and deu dies. Febre was so resia that pareyxia pestilential: and della so restavan the debilitated people, that dies havian necessity molts to per the convalescencia. Curayanlo metges ab single diet, sens sagnia; and the diet was not molta: and aliments of substantial broths, and medicaments donavan bons to per to ablanir and to start. On the other hand, the description that is made in Manual of Novells Arditses siguiente25: great pain CAP, great difficultat of ale and portave one veu snores and apres a orror of fret and apres febra and apres great cough mol, the qual primers dies apparie the cough was dry sense to arrencar head of cattle, and apres Passat sete or quatorze scopien molt of pit, and month in tot the prostoneware that staven malalts tenien one llassitut and makes indifferent of tot cors and debilitacio molt great of virtut and makes indifferent molt great of menjar qualsevol vianda, and tenien molt great watch to per cause of the cough, and molts in fi of malaltia tenien cambres and molts suaven, the qual evaquacio of suor to molts curave and feu molta utilitat. It is a description detailed enough, based on the story next and based on the experience, that has been obtained with the vision of many 2ÍGLESIES (1949). 2ÎGLESIES (1949). 25Manual of Novells Ardits (1580), p. 248.

              Page The 9 GREAT CATHARRO OF 1580 INFLUENZA Or PERTUSSIS? Asclepio-Vol. LVII-2-2005 53 similar cases. To the chronological being it allows to make the pursuit and evolution of the set of the cases. It is this description, the one that makes doubt us so the affirmation that it was possible to be dealed with an influenza, and as in written manifold it has come gathering. In the beginning of this section, the description of the sintomatología of the ferina cough was made and the description that we found in the Manual of Novells Ardits, seems to reflect of clear way the three phases by which this disease passes. DUDASPor another part, the data that allow to introduce doubts that this epidemic bud could be considered like influenza, is the following ones. In the first place, the duration of the clinic, since the considered duration of the influenza is of to ten seven days maximum, with possible respiratory complications by bacterial infections. Being the appearance of the classic quite early gripal syndrome, between both and the four days and stranger who all the affected ones undergo of complications and/or respiratory infection. And secondly, it is a bud that appears in summer, during the months of August and September and with high temperatures, so and as it describes that Manual. In the description which we found in the Manual, the sintomatología is extended until the fourteen days and more, with the corresponding paroxístico period and the later convalecencia, "primers dies apparie the cough was dry sense to arrencar head of cattle, and apres Passat sete or quatorze scopien molt of pit... and tenien molt great watch to per cause of the cough". On the other hand in this stage the beginning of the period of convalecencia was superposed: "they tenien one llassitut and it makes indifferent of tot cors and debilitacio molt great of virtut and makes indifferent molt great of menjar qualsevol vianda". In this sense the great number of cases, that they supposed 80-90 % of the population, is not habitual in an influenza epidemic although, in this line, an argument could be admitted that is valid for both cases: influenza and per-tussis, since one was a population with deficiencies of all type. Also, in this Manual26se they find references to testimonies of doctors who had observed this disease in France in 1507 and 1510. He is interesting to analyze that a contemporary of the 1580 epidemic, GUI-LLAUME of Baillou (1538-1616), dean of the medicine faculty of Paris, was probably first in describing the ferina cough in 1578 under the name of Tussis Quintana, with the following content: 26Manual (1580), p. 248.

              Page 10 RAMON CAMAÑO PUIG, MARIANO BARRIENDOS VALLVÉ And FRANCISCO FAUS GABANDÉ Asclepio-Vol. 54 LVII-2-2005 Jam before of aeftatis initio dictum est:: sub sinem aeftatis ídem fere morbi qui & antea viguerunt. Aestas sagrans & aestuosa fuit. Pueros quadrimeftres, decimetres, & paullo the adultiores Febres adórate sunt, quae innumeros fuftulerunt: especially ifta folennis tuffis, quae Villa feu Quintana vulgo dicitur, of qua before dietum est. Fymptomata Hujus gravia funt: Pulmo ita irritatur, ut omni contentione nitens excu-tere you go quod moleftum est, nec admittat spiritum, nec viviffim facile reddat: intu-mefcere videtur, & quasi strangulabundus to aeger mediis faucibus haerentes spiritus to have. Cur Fifth vulgo dicatur, dubio non caret. Quidam verbum fictitium effe putant to per Onomatopoeiam, Nominis fictionem, ab eo phono & ftrepitu, quem edunt ita tuffientes: alii non inde repetunt, fed vocari Latine tuffim Quintanam putant quod certis horis repetat: you go quod experientia verum probat: nam vacant ifta tuf-fiendi annoyance aliquando quatuor horarum aut quinque fpatio, deinde repetit ifte tuffiendi Paroxysmus, aliquando tam moleftus, ut fanquis & to per nares, & to per I saw excernatur you: faepiffime fubverfio ventriculi contingit. Nondum quemque auctorem legi, qui of ea tuffi verba faceret27. The proximity of this description and the epidemic, call the attention to us although the authors of the Manual of Novells Ardits were desconocedores of their works. Which raises serious doubts about that once again this episode was an influenza, since different authors from the time were proce 27Ya was spoken previously of the beginning of the summer; to the aim of the summer season the same diseases resurged almost that also before the same one were in height. The summer was ardent and burning. Fevers affected children of four months, of ten and a little more grown, fevers than put under a countless number; in special (it caused damage) a severe cough, that vulgarly denominates Villa or Quintana, which already has been mentioned before. Their serious symptoms are the following ones: the lung is irritated in such a way that, in his indefatigable efforts to expel the agent cause from the irritation, it experiences a remarkable difficulty in the alternative inspiration and expiration of the air (as soon as the air can inspire nor expeler as well). The patient seems to swell itself (to become congested) and, like in the cases of strangling, the air is retained in the middle of the throat. The Villa is not known with certainty why of the popular meaning. There are some who think that onomatopeya is a name appeared by onomatopeya (: rhetorical figure), by the resounding noise that emits those that thus tosen. Others do not derive it from here, rather think that the Latin denomination Cough Quintana responds to that the phenomenon is repeated to certain hours, fact that the experience demonstrates like certain, because the affected ones are free of this spectacular cough at some moment of the day, by space of four or five hours; later the cough access is started again (paroxysm), sometimes with as much abruptness that causes a violent vomit of blood by via oral nasal and; quite often the process is accompanied of a reversion of the ventricle. Still I have not read author some that mentioned this cough. Translation made by: Xavier Go'mez Font and Concepcio'n Ferragut. BAILLOU, G. (1772), Medici Parisiensis celebe-rrimi Opera Omnia. Tomus primus Studio ET Operates. M. Jacobí Thevart. Genevae. Apud Frates de Tournes.

              Page The 11 GREAT CATHARRO OF 1580 INFLUENZA Or PERTUSSIS? Asclepio-Vol. Dido LVII-2-2005 55 to a differentiated description. Contemporary of this description is the one that can be found in an article of the newspaper Davenport Times de Da-venport in Ohio, of date 2 of June of 1900. In him an appointment of the newspaper of Pierre de contemporary L'Estolla of Enrique III of France can be read (1551-1589)28: The Coqueluche in Paris, year 1580 - From the two to the eight of June 10,000 people of a disease with form of reuma or cold fell ill in Paris, who called ` coqueluché. This disease attacked with headache, estoma-go and legs and lassitude in all the body, and continuous in the set of the kingdom of France while the year does not finish, so once no in city has finalized or town house has escaped. On the other hand, the influenza has a fast evolution and it does not respect populations, extending by all the territory. In Villalba29, we were following texts referred to year 1580: "To 31 of August of 1580 empezo in Spain the contagious disease of the cold, the qual almost depopulated to Madrid and other many villas and cities". And "in 1580 there was the disease of the cold that as much spread, that within ten or twelve days they became ill in the city (Barcelona) but of twenty thousand people, of that died many: being written down that in 7 of September was with this ailment all the neighbors ". Although in this text it is spoken of which almost one became depopulated Madrid and other many villas and cities, seems to be that its incidence was not generalized in all the territory of the Iberian Peninsula. The kings Don Felipe II (1527-1598) and Doña Ana of Austria became infected, so and as he took shelter in the Memory of the first friars who came to found this monastery of Sant Lorenzio real30. The king was on the brink of madness the death, being saved, luck that her wife did not run Doña Ana of Austria that died pregnant. This fact we considered it of importance since being directed to us to the Municipal Historical File of Valencia (AHMV), in the Llibre de Pregons i Rogatives of 1579-1595 we found a call to the joy and thanks, by 28"The Grip", Davenport Times, Ohio (the USA), 2 of June of 1900. URL: http://www. celticcousins.net/scott/grip.htm [ 21/07/2003 ]. 29VILLALBA, J. (1802), Spanish Epidemiología or chronological history of the plagues, contagios, epidemics, epizootias that have happened in Spain from the coming of the Carthaginians to year 1801, Madrid, the Press of Don Mateo Repullés. the Unpublished Document Collection for the History of Spain (Codoin), VII, pp 30En. 269.

              Page 12 RAMON CAMAÑO PUIG, MARIANO BARRIENDOS VALLVÉ And FRANCISCO FAUS GABANDÉ Asclepio-Vol. 56 LVII-2-2005 the improvement of the health of its Majesty Felipe II, the 20 of August of 1580 and later, for the 3 of October of 1580, the organization of a procession of thanks for the improvement of the disease of rey31. The news ran more in this case than the disease, since we did not find in this book nor in any other, of which traditionally contain references to the performances of the Consell of the city, no additional data relative to this epidemic. Which, therefore, could be interpreted because there was no epidémica incidence, aspect this that could more be considered like a data at the time of maintaining the doubts, about that it was an influenza epidemic, given the characteristics that the evolution of the influenza presents/displays normally. Being surprising, which in case one were authentically influenza and given the incidence that this disease presented/displayed in the rest of the affected cities, one had also not extended to the city of Valencia. On the other hand, the suffering of an epidemic of these characteristics had left an important documentary sign in the sanitary institutions of the time, like it happened in other European cities, such as Milan or Rome, whose hospitable registries were studied in relation with epidemics of influenza by Lancisi and Gagliardi32. The revision of books of entrance of patients of the General Hospital of Valencia33del period between June and November of 1580, section that widely includes/understands the space of time of the epidemic of Barcelona, makes an impression at the time of speaking to us negatively of an influenza. The numbers of income of patients oscillated from the 256 of June to the 261 of November, staying the rest of the months within normality: in July 258 patients entered, in August 284, September 283 and 345 in October. This last data of October called the attention, reason why we came to its removal, with the intention to discard the possibility of an infectious pattern, but the cases presented/displayed an anarchical evolution what demonstrated an increase of the morbidity without maintaining a structure regular. To this it is necessary to add that, in the month of October, the epidemic had yielded in the city of Barcelona, and that the numerical difference of entered patients, with the rest of the months was not very important. In sum, considering 31Archivo Historical Policeman of Valencia, Llibre de Pregons i Rogatives, 1579-1595, 20 of August of 1580 and 3 of October of 1580. 32Citado in OLAGÜE OF ROS, G. (1981), "the European epidemic of 1708-1709 influenza. Te'mporo-space diffusion and contemporary interpretations ", Dynamis, 1, 51-86. Historical 3árchivo of the Delegation of Valencia: IV patients. IV.2 Income, stays and discharges, 1580.

              Page The 13 GREAT CATHARRO OF 1580 INFLUENZA Or PERTUSSIS? Asclepio-Vol. LVII-2-2005 the 57 examples previously commented of Rome and Milan, the increases of hospitable income and the high suffered mortality, allows us to discard that it was a similar process in the area of Valencia. Still more inasmuch as, already in 1826, Jones an American doctor escribió34: the simple fact is... that this epidemic of [ influenza ] affects to the set of the region in the space of one week; and much more that this, to the set of a as extensive continent as North America... in the term of one few semanas.Volviendo to the city of Barcelona, each patient healed according to its constitution, those passed away with more facility than "guastats and vells, and molts tenien pits xics of llet and moltes gifts prenyades" (Manual of Novells Ardits, 1580), the small ones died by lack of milk, the old ones not to have force to expectorar and the pregnant women because when doing force to toser aborted. Father Pere Gil makes references to similars condiciones35: Moriren molts infants, and moltas people vellas, and debils, and enfermisas. And the people who actualment estavan malaltas, sobrevenint dit cold almost totas mo-riren. Succey in Barcelona; that to per espay of quinze ò vint day: hardly they are pogue-ren to fer sermons, nor to sing officis, in the Parrochias, and enlos Monestirs; nor to dir missas bayxas but molt poques. Molts will put li in aquest any noms, perque nomenaren it, any of the Season, and any of moquillo: and in Italy.....(blanco). Per propi nom fou: Any 1580. of great and universal catharro. And it includes aspects such as the difficulties that this epidemic entailed for the accomplishment of acts witnessed by notary public and a specific reference to the different names that the epidemic received. Finally it is to emphasize the capacity of observation of Pere Gil, that includes in its writing a reference to bird-raising mortality in the city of Barcelona: "they certificaren molts to me, that almost tots ossells of gabia of Barcelona moriren. Pardals neither ossells will fly tot aquell temps nor enla ciutat nor enlo pla of Barcelona ". Aspect this one that can be attributed to both pathologies, influenza and pertussis, since, like in many other respiratory infectious diseases, the birds and the humans we are susceptible to contract the infection. 34JONES, A. (1826), "Observations on the Influenza or Epidemic Catarrh, ace it Prevailed in Georgia during the Winter and Spring of 1826", Philadelphia Journal of Medical Physical Sciences, 13, 1-30, p. 5. 3ÏGLESIES (1949).

              Page 14 RAMON CAMAÑO PUIG, MARIANO BARRIENDOS VALLVÉ And FRANCISCO FAUS GABANDÉ Asclepio-Vol. 58 LVII-2-2005 the provided treatment, by the doctors in this time, so and as come described by Pere Gil -"curayanlo metges ab single diet, sens sag-nia; and the diet was not molta: and they donavan bons aliments of substantial broths, and medicaments to per to ablanir and arrancar"36- and by Desplau -"la cures feren metges in dit malson molta diet and ayunes. qui foren segnats sen moriren molts"37 -, was made up only and exclusively of a reduced diet, combined in some case with uninformed. Apparently, the drain was not recommended in these cases, to which it possibly administered some substances to them that had emollient effect, favoring and smoothing the expectoración. The Catalan galens with the French in the treatment agreed since in the newspaper of Pierre de mentioned L'Estolla previously, also a reference to the treatment could be found that was applied for this alteration in the city of Paris: The best remedy than has found the doctors is to cause that the patient abstains to take wine. To some of them one orders drains to them and ruibarbos to other tapioca and finally found the best thing, to maintain to the patient in the bed and to allow them to eat and to drink little. CONCLUSIÓNA to start off of the analysis of the found testimonies, we defend the hypothesis that the episode of the Great Catharro of 1580 could be an epidemic bud of ferina cough. The collected data provoke sufficient doubts respect to that it is an influenza epidemic and support of one more a more determined way the possibility that it was an epidemic of ferina cough. Although all it must be understood with the caution that the passed time impose and the necessity to continue deepening in the search of testimonies that allow one better approach to the event. 36IGLESIES (1949). 37DESPALAU (1580).
              Last edited by AlaskaDenise; October 24, 2007, 05:45 AM. Reason: formatting
              I'm interested in expert panflu damage estimates
              my current links: http://bit.ly/hFI7H ILI-charts: http://bit.ly/CcRgT

              Comment


              • #8
                Re: Introduction to pandemic influenza through history

                Finally it is
                to emphasize the capacity of observation of Pere Gil, that includes
                in its writing a reference to bird-raising mortality in the city
                of Barcelona: "they certificaren molts to me, that almost tots
                ossells of gabia of Barcelona moriren. Pardals neither ossells
                will fly tot aquell temps nor enla ciutat nor enlo pla of Barcelona
                ". Aspect this one that can be attributed to both pathologies,
                influenza and pertussis, since, like in many other respiratory
                infectious diseases, the birds and the humans we are susceptible
                to contract the infection.


                ---------------------------------

                better translation:

                Finally, mention the ability to monitor of Pere Gil, which include, in his letter,
                a reference to mortality of poultry in the city of Barcelona:
                "I (can assert) certify that many, almost total cases of the birds of the
                Barcelona cages (drop) dead. Sparrows nor birds were not flying that time
                in the town, nor in the square of Barcelona".

                It looks that this can be attributed to both diseases, influenza and
                pertussis, because, as in many other respiratory diseases, birds and
                humans are susceptible to get the infection .

                ----------------------------------

                that's strange, because it's mentioned earlier in the same paper,
                that there is no known host for B.pertussis other than humans.
                I'm interested in expert panflu damage estimates
                my current links: http://bit.ly/hFI7H ILI-charts: http://bit.ly/CcRgT

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